{"id":11454,"date":"2024-03-11T16:38:36","date_gmt":"2024-03-11T15:38:36","guid":{"rendered":"https:\/\/www.actvism.org\/?p=11454"},"modified":"2024-03-11T16:39:38","modified_gmt":"2024-03-11T15:39:38","slug":"zwei-staaten-loesung-jeffrey-sachs","status":"publish","type":"post","link":"https:\/\/www.actvism.org\/en\/latest\/zwei-staaten-loesung-jeffrey-sachs\/","title":{"rendered":"Achieving the Two-State Solution in the Wake of Gaza War | Jeffrey D. Sachs"},"content":{"rendered":"
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By Jeffrey. D Sachs & Sybil Fares<\/em><\/p>\n<\/div><\/div><\/div>\n\n

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Peace can come through the immediate implementation of the two-state solution, making the admission of Palestine to the United Nations the starting point, not the ending point.<\/em><\/p>\n<\/div><\/div><\/div>\n\n

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The two-state solution is enshrined in international law and is the only viable path to a long-lasting peace. All other solutions\u2014a continuation of Israel\u2019s apartheid regime, one bi-national state, or one unitary state\u2014would guarantee a continuation of war by one side or the other or both. Yet the two-state solution seems irretrievably blocked. It is not. Here is a pathway.The Israeli government strongly opposes a two-state solution, as does a significant proportion of the Israeli population, some on religious grounds (\u201cGod gave us the land\u201d) and some on security grounds (\u201cWe can never be safe with a State of Palestine\u201d). A significant proportion of Palestinians regard Israel as an illegitimate settler-colonial entity, and in any event distrust any peace process.<\/p>\n<\/div><\/div><\/div>\n\n

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How then to proceed?<\/p>\n<\/div><\/div><\/div>\n\n

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The usual recommendation is the following six-step sequence of events: (1) ceasefire; (2) release of hostages; (3) humanitarian assistance; (4) reconstruction; (5) peace conference for negotiations between Israel and Palestine<\/a>; and finally (6) establishment of two states on agreed boundaries. This path is impossible. There is a perpetual deadlock on steps 5 and 6, and this sequence has failed for 57 years since the 1967 war.<\/p>\n<\/div><\/div><\/div>\n\n

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The failure of Oslo is the paradigmatic case in point. There are irreconcilable differences, such as the status of East Jerusalem. Israeli zealots would force from power any Israeli politician who dares to give up East Jerusalem to Palestinian sovereignty and Palestinian zealots would do the same with any Palestinian leader who gave up sovereignty over East Jerusalem. We should relinquish the continuing illusion that Israel will ever reach agreement, or that Palestine would ever have the negotiating power to engage meaningfully with Israel, especially when the Palestinian Authority is highly dependent on the US and other funders.<\/p>\n<\/div><\/div><\/div>\n\n

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The correct approach is therefore the opposite, starting with the establishment of two states on globally agreed boundaries, notably the boundaries of June 4, 1967 as enshrined<\/a> in UN Security Council and UN General Assembly resolutions. The UN member states will have to impose the two-state solution, instead of waiting for yet another Palestinian-Israeli failed negotiation.<\/p>\n<\/div><\/div><\/div>\n\n

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Thus, the settlement should follow this order: (1) establishment of Palestine as 194th member state within two-state solution framework on June 4, 1967 borders; (2) immediate ceasefire; (3) release of hostages; (4) humanitarian assistance; (5) peacekeepers, disarmament and mutual security; and (6) negotiation on modalities (settlements, return of refugees, mutually agreed land-swaps, and others; but not boundaries).<\/p>\n<\/div><\/div><\/div>\n\n

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In 2011, the State of Palestine (now recognized by 140 UN member states but not yet as a UN member state itself) applied for full UN member status<\/a>. The UN Security Council Committee on New Members (constituted by the UN Security Council) recognized the legitimacy of Palestine\u2019s application, but as is utterly typical in the \u201cpeace process,\u201d the US government prevailed on the Palestinian Authority to accept \u201cobserver status,\u201d promising that full UN membership would soon follow. Of course, it did not.<\/p>\n<\/div><\/div><\/div>\n\n

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The Security Council, backed by the UN General Assembly, has the power under the UN Charter to impose the two-state settlement. It can do so as a matter of international law, following decades of relevant resolutions. It can then enforce the solution through a combination of carrots (economic inducements, reconstruction funding, UNSC-backed peacekeepers, disarmament, border security, etc.) and sticks (sanctions for violations by either party).<\/p>\n<\/div><\/div><\/div>\n\n

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The only conceivable border for creating the two-state solution is that of June 4, 1967. Starting from that border, the two sides might indeed negotiate a mutually agreed swap of land for mutual benefit, but they would do so knowing that the \u201cbest alternative to a negotiated agreement\u201d (BATNA) is the June 4, 1967 border.<\/p>\n<\/div><\/div><\/div>\n\n

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It is quite possible, indeed likely, that the US would initially veto the proposed pathway. After all, the US has already used its veto multiple times to block merely a ceasefire<\/a>. Yet, the process of eliciting the US veto and then securing a large majority vote in the UN General Assembly will be salutary for three reasons.<\/p>\n<\/div><\/div><\/div>\n\n

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First, US politics is shifting rapidly against Israeli policies given the US public\u2019s growing understanding of Israel\u2019s war crimes and Israel\u2019s political extremism. This shift in public opinion makes it far more likely that the US leaders will sooner rather than later accept the basic approach outlined here because of US domestic political dynamics. Second, the increasing US isolation in the UN Security Council and UN General Assembly is also weighing heavily on US leaders, and forcing the US leadership to reconsider its policy positions in view of geopolitical considerations. Third, a strong vote in the UNSC and UNGA for the two-state solution on June 4, 1967 borders will help to strengthen international law and the terms of the eventual settlement as soon as the US veto is lifted.<\/p>\n<\/div><\/div><\/div>\n\n

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For these reasons, there is a realistic prospect that the UN will finally exercise its international legal and political authority to create the conditions for peace.<\/p>\n<\/div><\/div><\/div>\n\n

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Twenty-two years ago, Arab and Islamic leaders affirmed in the 2002 Arab Peace Initiative<\/a> that that the only pathway to peace is through the two-state solution. On February 7, 2024, the Saudi Ministry of Foreign Affairs<\/a> reasserted that a comprehensive peace will only be achieved by recognizing an independent Palestinian state on the 1967 borders and East Jerusalem as the capital. The Arab states and the world community generally shouldn\u2019t buy into another vague peace process that is likely doomed to fail, especially given the urgency caused by the ongoing genocide in Gaza<\/a> and the bad-will accumulated over the past 57 years of a fruitless \u201cPeace Process.\u201d<\/p>\n<\/div><\/div><\/div>\n\n

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Peace can come through the immediate implementation of the two-state solution, making the admission of Palestine to the UN the starting point, not the ending point. Two sovereign states, on the boundaries of June 4, 1967, protected initially by UN-backed peacekeepers and other guarantees, will be the starting point for a comprehensive and just peace not only between Israel and Palestine\u2014and also a regional peace that would secure diplomatic relations across the Middle East and end this conflict that has burdened the inhabitants, the region, and the world, for more than a century.<\/p>\n<\/div><\/div><\/div>\n\n

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ABOUT JEFFREY D. SACHS<\/h2>\n<\/div><\/div><\/div>\n\n
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Jeffrey D. Sachs is University Professor and Director of the Center for Sustainable Development at Columbia University, where he directed the Earth Institute from 2002 until 2016. He is President of the UN Sustainable Development Solutions Network, Co-Chair of the Council of Engineers for the Energy Transition, Commissioner of the UN Broadband Commission for Development, academician of the Pontifical Academy of Social Sciences at the Vatican, and Tan Sri Jeffrey Cheah Honorary Distinguished Professor at Sunway University. He has been Special Advisor to three United Nations Secretaries-General, and currently serves as an SDG Advocat under Secretary General Ant\u00f3nio Guterres. He spent over twenty years as a professor at Harvard University, where he received his B.A., M.A., and Ph.D. degrees. Sachs has received 41 honorary doctorates, and his recent awards include the 2022 Tang Prize in Sustainable Development, the Legion of Honor by decree of the President of the Republic of France, and the Order of the Cross from the President of Estonia. His most recent books are The Ages of Globalization: Geography, Technology, and Institutions (2020) and Ethics in Action for Sustainable Development (2022).<\/p>\n<\/div><\/div><\/div>\n\n

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